UDC: 78:615.85(669)
     78.02

COBISS.SR-ID 283384844
_________________
Received: Jan 15, 2020
Reviewed: Jan 27, 2020
Accepted: Feb 06, 2020

#5 The Roles of Yoruba Songs among the Pregnant Women Attending Antenatal Clinics in Southwestern Nigeria

Olusegun Stephen TitusDepartment of Music, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeriaostitus@oauife.edu.ng

Citation: Titus, Olusegun S. 2020. "The Roles of Yoruba Songs among the Pregnant Women Attending Antenatal Clinics in Southwestern Nigeria." Accelerando: Belgrade Journal of Music and Dance 5:5

Abstract

Scholarly works have shown that maternal mortality reduction is based on biomedical attention, while the place of religion and motherhood in pregnancy and birth has been grossly neglected. This paper examines the place of Yoruba songs among the pregnant women attending antenatal clinic in Southwestern Nigeria. Cultural history, textual and musical analysis of the songs used during such training were sourced and analyzed. Based on health belief and transformative musicology theories the paper suggests that Yoruba songs is very functional, been rooted in religious and socio-cultural life of Yoruba people. The paper argues that more than biomedical factors, the Yoruba concept of religion and motherhood is vital to motherhood and birth. The songs serve as education, caution, entertainment, encouragements psychological and therapeutic, release of fears, panic and stress among the pregnant women.

Keywords:

Yoruba Songs, Antenatal Clinic, Motherhood, Birth, Religion, Functions, Pregnant Women

Introduction

Studies have attested to the place of prenatal care during pregnancy. Most of the studies alluded to the place and importance of biomedical care in reducing maternal and infant mortality rate during pregnancy and delivery. However, very little attention is paid to the role of Yoruba religious and socio-cultural laden songs used during antenatal literacy classes in Southwestern Nigeria. This paper therefore examines the function of Yoruba songs used during antenatal literacy classes. I argue that there is a strong relationship between religion, and motherhood, faith and birth among the Yoruba worldview. Also, the Yoruba people have ideas, assumptions, belief, and values about motherhood, pregnancy and delivery which we can encounter in the form of indigenous knowledge in their popular cultural expressions such as music. Effectively, music may become "the bridge by which the physical and spiritual are connected and can be the most vital component of a healing ceremony or practice" (Koen 2009, 4). This is true with the use of songs during antenatal literary classes. The songs centered on spirituality, religion and motherhood. The objectives of this paper are to identify the various religious laden Yoruba songs used in antenatal clinic, enumerates the functions of the songs on the pregnant women attending the literacy classes.

The method employed for this research work includes participant observation. The researcher with other research assistants attended the literacy sessions in University College Hospital, Ibadan, Obafemi Awolowo University Teaching Hospital Ile-Ife, and Seventh Day Adventist Hospital Ile-Ife. Several antenatal literacy sessions were observed. Songs used during the literacy sessions were collated and selections were made on them based on the themes on faith, motherhood, pregnancy, labour and delivery. Observations were made during the visits, on the participants as they dance and sing during each of the classes. 20 pregnant women were randomly interviewed on the effects of the songs on them. The cultural history and background of some of the songs were sourced and the songs textual meanings were analyzed. More so, the songs been in Yoruba language were recorded and translated to English language and some of the songs were also transcribe to musical notation.

The antenatal class holds every Monday to Friday except during official holidays. According to an informant:

we are expected to come here once a month if the pregnancy is at the first and second trimester stages. But from the third trimester we are expected to be at the literacy classes twice a month, this is for our own good and the coming baby. (Darasimi 2017)

The participants see themselves as learners and waiting mothers that needed all the learning, knowledge and instruction for safe delivery. Another participant expresses her feeling that:

I am full of joy that God has blessed me with this baby in my womb. I want to do all I can to care for the baby and myself.

Yet another participant notes that:

the knowledge gained during the classes if applied and obeyed with faith and prayers you can be sure of divine safety.

Commenting on the place of faith, prayers and songs during the classes other informants note that "modern medicine is very important but limited without prayers and faith in God for safe delivery". The participants summarily recognize the place of spirituality, faith and God in their pregnant stage and delivery more than the biomedical care.The age range of participants is from 16 years to early 50s. 10% of the participants are up to 20 years, 60% are within 21 to 40 years old while 25% are above 40 years old. The participants in antenatal classes are pregnant women who are mostly semi-literate. In each of the classes there were about 30 to 40 pregnant women and from the interview conducted 50% of the women were semi-literate, only 10 % had a degree, 40% were illiterate could neither read nor write. The educational level warranted the use of literacy class which includes the use of Yoruba culturally imbued songs, before consultation with their doctors. From the participant observation carried out by the researcher the participants are mostly from Yoruba ethnic group which dominate the southwestern Nigeria. 80% of the participants are Yoruba speakers while the remaining 20% are from different ethnic groups of Nigeria. Like Igbo, Hausa/Fulani, Efik, Tiv, Idoma, Igala, Ebira among others. Also, the interview conducted show that most of the participants have religious background, 95% of the participants are either Muslims or Christians, while about 5% are irreligious or belong to traditional religion.

The literacy class is guided by Senior Nursing Officer. Generally, an antenatal class begins with a opening prayers, that could be a Muslim or Christian form of prayers. The prayer could be led by the senior nursing officer who is also the instructor or one of the pregnant women nominated by the instructor. After this, the entire class generally are then led to singing various songs. Most of the times, the first two songs could relate to physical exercise which the instructor encouraged the pregnant women to participate. After that religious songs mostly Christian songs on praises and thanksgiving to God for the gift of pregnancy could be rendered. According to informant they do this "to praise God for preserving and keeping them alive". Other songs during the literary class are about domestic hygiene, nutrition, breast-feeding, immunization and so forth. Most of the songs are composed choosing the tunes of existing songs, while the lyrics are specifically chosen to reflect the thematic peculiarities of the lesson being taught. The idea of choosing tunes of existing songs is to make the learning of the songs easy for the women. In order to make a typical class lively, the women are enjoined to accompany their songs with clapping and dancing.

This paper is based on the Health Belief and Transformative Musicology theories. Health Belief Model theory is one of the longest established theoretical models designed to explain health behaviour by better understanding beliefs about health (Harrison 1992, Nutbeam and Harris 2004). At its core, according to Nutbeam and Harris (2004, 10) it suggests that the likelihood of an individual acting related to a given health problem is based on the interaction between four different types of belief. The model predicts that individuals will take action to protect or promote health if:

(...) they perceive themselves to be susceptible to a condition or problem. If they believe it will have potentially serious consequences. If they believe a course of action is available that will reduce their susceptibility or minimize the consequences. And finally, if they believe that the benefits of acting will outweigh the costs or barriers. (Ibid.)

This theory is germane to the discourse on Yoruba antenatal songs. The pregnant women participate in the literacy classes, singing the faith songs and with strong religious mind to avert any form of mortality. Their susceptibility made the pregnant women to listen and even sing the songs trusting in God for safe delivery. More so, they also analyse the meaning of the songs with the health instructor during the training. the pregnant women with various health issues relating to the pregnancy do not want further health challenges for themselves nor for their pregnancy and thereby participated in the antenatal health education where songs are part of the training process. The theory is aptly applicable to the women as they acted in singing believing that it is less costs and taking part will increase their chance of safe delivery and becoming motherhood. Still on the model and antenatal health songs the model further explains that refinement have acknowledged the important modifying factors, particularly those associated with personal characteristics and social circumstances as well as the impact or personal experience. Added to this analysis of the model is the concept of self efficacy that is the belief in one’s competency to take appropriate action as a further factor influencing the strength of the model in predicting behavioral change. Also Adequate literacy programmes on maternal care for expectant mothers through singing is very essential, since inadequate information on preparations for pregnancy, labour, delivery may result in medical complications for mothers during pregnancy, childbirth and delivery (Taiwo and Salami 2007). This is applicable to pregnant related songs used during antenatal clinic literacy classes. The song texts help the pregnant women to take daily actions on health issues during pregnancy, labour and delivery believing that it will reduce the complications for during delivery.

Transformative musicology is the musicology that aims at the transformation of individual spiritually and physically. It encompasses all musical activities that focus on transformative purposes (Adedeji 2006a). The ambivalent nature of the power of music was demonstrated in Adedeji (1999), where he enumerated the anabolic and catabolic roles of music. The theory is applicable to pregnant women attending antenatal clinic. This theory is aptly applied to the pregnant women attending antenatal literacy. The classes bring religion and faith through singing that could transform pregnant women mentality, reduce their fears and stress, and increase their faith and assurances for safe delivery.

Health Literacy in Antenatal Clinic

Health literacy is the process of learning about pregnancy, labour and other relevant information that will help keep the mother and baby safe during and after delivery. This is routinely observed in most places as a means of reducing mortality rate. According to Oladapo Et al (2008, 16):

One of the main goals of antenatal care is the provision of adequate information that is essential for maintaining and improving pregnancy outcomes. Antenatal care provides a unique opportunity for health education and information, not only for preparation for childbirth and infant care but also for spacing of births and family planning.

During antenatal health literacy adequate information is giving to pregnant women and one of the means of giving the information is through songs. (Harrison 1985; Ogunniyi and Faleyimu 1985; Walker 1986), which suggests that none use of prenatal care is a strong high-risk factor in maternal mortality. Although this study was not specifically designed to answer the important question regarding the value of prenatal care in reducing maternal mortality, certain inferences can be made, nevertheless. It is possible that the use of prenatal care may reduce the rates of pregnancy-related complications, but it is clear from this study that once complications develop at home, the prior use of prenatal care is unlikely to have a significant impact on the outcome. Taiwo (2015) examines the communication in the Baby Care Clinic. She observed that the communication in Child Care Centre is based or segmented into speaking and singing. While her paper examines the discourse the musical part of the discourse is however, not discourse. Nwizu et al (2011, 40) note that:

(...) good antenatal care should be made available, accessible and affordable to all pregnant women through partnership between all tiers of government and non-governmental organizations. Due to the self-selection of women who either experienced problems during previous pregnancies or anticipate problems in the present one, health care providers in our centre and similar centers need to be more vigilant during booking visits to identify cases and use it as a platform for health education with respect to the need for good nutrition and compliance with medication.

The place of maternal music exposure was further affirming by Arya et al (2012, 12) in their study on maternal music exposure affirms that:

study provides preliminary evidence that maternal music exposure beneficially affects neonatal behavior.

Alcalay et al (1993, 361) in their research on communication intervention for prenatal care among pregnant women in Tijuana community, engages the use of music to communicate pregnancy related issues with low socio-economic pregnant women especially the need to seek prenatal care. In their study they assert that:

(...) an audio cassette with two songs using attractive ranchera rhythms was also developed. These songs were aimed at encouraging behavioral change by dramatizing nutritional aspects of the intervention. The songs were recorded on audio cassettes and made available to radio stations in Tijuana. After selecting the media and the messages that needed to be communicated to the target population, drafts of several formats and contents for the calendar, the poster, the brochure, and the songs were designed, pretested in focus groups, and then produced in their final format. (Ibid.)

On antenatal classes in Nigeria Taiwo and Salami (2007, 3) explain that:

Antenatal classes are organized in hospitals and health centers for pregnant women to intimate them with the necessary health information needed in pregnancy and post-natal period. The classes are organized by nurses and midwives to educate the women on pregnancy, labour and basic baby care skills. Sometimes, other medical experts, such as physiotherapists, nutritionists and gynecologists are invited to talk on specific issues, such as posture, exercise, diet, stages in foetus development, and so forth. Classes are organized to coincide with the days the women visit the hospital for their clinics.

The literature reviewed shows different works on health and music, and health literacy in antenatal clinic. However, none of the reviewed works attended to the roles of songs in antenatal clinics in Southwestern Nigeria Hospitals which lacuna this paper attempt to fill.

Medical Ethnomusicology: Music Therapy Perspectives

Several studies have shown the trajectory of music, medicine and healing. And it narrates the interdependency of music and medicine in the place of personal therapy and healing. These are terms as medical ethnomusicology and Music Therapy. Dirksen (2012, 11) asserts that medical ethnomusicology is rooted in the integrative, complementary, and alternative medicine approach to health and healing. Medical ethnomusicology examines how music can be used to access "biological, psychological, social, emotional and spiritual domains of life" (Koen et al. 2008A, 4). Cook (1997) examines the connections and explorations of Sacred Music Therapy in North India. In the study he attests to the power of sacred songs in the healing process of sick persons. Also Lipe’s (2002) work on the conduct of a review of the music therapy literature concerned with spirituality observes the efficacy of religion and spirituality in the healing process. Toppozada (1995) studies on survey of music therapists investigates interests and training of music therapists in multicultural issues and discovered that central to the training are the culture and spirituality engagements. Aluede’s (2009, 2012, 2006) studies are based on the use of music therapy in healing homes which include the Iyayi society in Edo state of Nigeria, and the biblical example of healing to Nigeria music healers. The reviews above have shown the relationship of Music and health. However, none have addressed the use of religion, faith and songs among the pregnant women attending the antenatal clinic in southwestern Nigeria.

Keith Howard’s (2000) research on the use of music in Shamanic rituals in Siberia and Korea is vital. In his study he explains the place of music as the stimuli in altered states of participants. He further explains the use of music as stimuli for trance and ecstasy. Henry Stobart’s (2000) work examines music and medicine among the highlands of Bolivia in keeping and maintaining bodily health as well as healing through rituals. In the same vain John Janzen (2000) research examines Ngoma ritual performance throughout Southern Africa. The Study shows the unique spirit needed for healing the sick through the rituals. Friedson’s (2000) contribution on the use of music and trance among the Tumbuka people of Malawi is vital. Friedson’s work enumerates the place of dance and healing of disease termed "Dancing the Disease" during the rituals among the Tumbuka people. From the reviews above it is evident the place of music and spirituality for healing and health is viral. The current paper is an addition to the literature. It examines the roles of the Yoruba songs as been part of their concepts of religion, motherhood and birth.

Furthermore, it is imperative to examine the place of culture situated in music, healing and religions. As Koen (2008, 13) notes that " neglecting the culture component of healing and music research can lead to overgeneralization". Roseman (2008, 21) research on Temiar Healing in the Rain Forest Peninsular Malasia notes that the process of healing entails four models of musical-social-cultural-performance and biomedical. This is typical to the current study that involves the musical – singing – dancing – socio-cultural, the songs are culturally and spiritually situated, - performance, the songs are performed during the classes, and - biomedical, the hospital gadgets still examines the pregnant women after the first three.

Koenig (2008) work on religion, spirituality and healing research, "Dialogue and Directions" is vital and central to this current paper. In the study he explains that those who are religious are healthier than those who are not. Penn and Clarke (2008) examines the place of music in healing of young adults and youths Likewise Koenig (2008) on Music- Prayer-Meditation Dynamics in Healing examines the place of music prayers among the Tajikistan in Badakhshan in central Asia.

The History of Yoruba Songs

The Yoruba constitute the second largest ethnic group in Nigeria, the first being Hausa/Fulani. The Yorubas are mainly found in the densely forested area, from the Gulf of Guinea to the fringes of River Niger. The greatest concentration of Yoruba people lives in West African coast area, from where they have believed to have migrated to other countries. Using the famous classification of Nigeria into six geo-political zones, majority of the Yoruba occupy the land space classified as Southwestern part of the country. Samuel (2009) asserts that it geo-politically lies between latitude 60 and 90 N and longitudes 20 30 and 60 30 East. Some of the prominent Yoruba cities as Samuel (Ibid.) lists include Lagos, Ibadan, Osogbo, Abeokuta, Akure, Ado-Ekiti, Oyo, Ijebu Ode, Ogbomoso, Ondo, Ilesa, Iseyin Ile-Ife among others. The vegetation area encourages farming and other occupation including weaving, dying, smiting, leather work, pottery among others.

In terms of music making, Yoruba have music for all occasions. Music in Yoruba land is functional which also explains the reasons for diversity. Yoruba music is also philosophical. Songs and singing cannot be separated from the daily activities of most African people, especially the Yoruba people of Southwestern Nigeria. Songs and singing are part of their daily activities. Beier (1956, 23) rightly notes that:

The Yoruba are indeed a poetic nation, because every person has his own praise songs, by which he will be greeted on all important occasions.

Karin Barbers experience and studies on oriki and chants as predecessors of popular songs of today affirms the place of Oriki in Yoruba social history and commentary. Barber (1991, 16) observes that:

through Oriki the essential attributes of all entities are affirmed and people’s connections with each other with spiritual universe and with their past are kept alive and remade.

Waterman (2009) notes that:

The spread of certain musical instruments and genres—including the dùndún, an hourglass-shaped pressure drum ("talking drum"), now among the most potent symbols of pan-Yoruba identity, and the bàtá, an ensemble of conical, two-headed drums, associated with the thunder god Sango—played a role in Oyo’s attempt to establish a cultural underpinning for imperial domination. (Ibid., 198)

The dispersals of musicians as a result of inter-Yoruba wars encourage the dispersals of Yoruba musicians. Mostly the praise singers and drummers. We might regard such performers as predecessors of today’s popular musician. Waterman further notes that:

these musicians are custodian of community history….Some performers, linked exclusively to particular communities, kin groups, or cults, were responsible for mastering secret knowledge, protected by supernatural sanctions; but other, more mobile musicians, exploiting regional economic networks, had to develop a broader and shallower corpus of musical techniques and verbal texts. (Ibid., 199)

Barber (1991, 8) reiterates the place of oriki as social reality because they engage on the daily happening of the society and the changes that occur. Omojola (2006, 11) notes those social dynamics and changes that traditional music performs. He notes that:

the continued relevance of traditional music in the ever-changing Nigerian environment bears eloquent testimony to its age-long dynamic nature.

Orimoogunje (2003, 8) notes that:

Yoruba societies are active users of verbal arts. The health-related genres are in the society (...) also mothers are caring for their babies". The paper extents this assertion as songs in antenatal clinic is part of Yoruba songs. Since none of the works have examines the place of music in antenatal clinic among the Yoruba.

Health-Based Beliefs Related to Yoruba Songs

Historically the birth of religious music is predicated from the western influence and Yoruba oriki and arinjo musicians in Yoruba land. Discourse on the place of music in societal commentaries and social changes in most Africa communities abound in literature. Emeka 2006, Olaniyan 2004 and Olorunyomi 2003 attest to the role of music as social change in the song of the Afrobeat Legend Late Fela Anikulapo Kuti. His songs focusing on Nigerian government for responsive leadership, responsibility, accountability and the welfare of their lead. Adedeji (2006, 138) explains that music and social change could be in the form of transformative musicology which aim at the transformation of our environment and our world at large. It encompasses all musical activities that focus on transformative purposes.

Examining studies on the use of music in health care among the Yoruba people Orimoogunje (2003) notes that:

the social contexts of verbal arts in the Yoruba indigenous healthcare delivery system explains where performances of the genres are found (...) there is no specific spot (venue) set aside for the rendition of the said genres when applied for healthcare practices. Various places that could be used for the performances are individuals’ compounds, consulting rooms, and health centres/hospitals. (Ibid., 1)

Orimoogunje (2005) examines the various Yoruba verbal arts used in the Yoruba indigenous health care centre and notes that The Yorùbá verbal arts in indigenous healthcare practices have strong informative functions that urge mankind to be aware of the appropriate step to be taken towards ensuring cure within the indigenous healthcare delivery system. He further highlights the different Yoruba verbal arts used in traditional health care to include:

• orin-ìbọ (Liturgical songs),
• ìbà (homage).
• Ọfọ̀ (incantations),
• àyájọ́ (myth-like incantations),
• ìwúre (supplicatory blessings),
• èpè (curse),
• ẹ̀bẹ̀ (propitiation) and orin-ìbejì (twin babies' songs)
• oríkì (verbal Salutes),
• orin-ìrẹmọlẹ́kún (lullabies),
• orin-eréṣùpá/orin àlọ́-onítàn(moonlight songs) and orin-ìpàdé ọlọ́mọwẹ́wẹ́ (natal songs) used in the indigenous healthcare delivery system are a bit more secular than the ones earlier mentioned above (Ibid., 3).

The literatures reviewed though analyse the place of music, medicine, healing, culture, spirituality and religion which is germane to this current study. None of the study has examined the place of music among the pregnant women attending antenatal clinic in Southwestern Nigeria.

Yoruba Concept of Music, Religion and Motherhood

More so, the concept of religion and motherhood which constitute motherhood and birth among the Yoruba people is vital. Makinde (2004) enumerates Yoruba culture with emphasis on motherhood and how it empowers women in Yoruba land. She notes that:

A woman in Yoruba culture occupies various positions – a mother, a wife, a daughter, a priestess, or even a witch. The way she is perceived depends on the position she occupies, and the different perceptions are reflected through songs, works of art, music, language, and religion. The highest value is given to woman as a mother because Yoruba people revere motherhood. (Ibid., 3)

Makinde’s accretion explains the place of women and motherhood in Yoruba land. The way mother is revered in the culture makes most women look forward to motherhood as she is even deified among the Yoruba thus:

Orisa bi iya ko si Iya la ba ma a bo
There is no deity like mother

[It is the mother that is worthy of being worshipped] (Ibidem)

Motherhood is considered to be very important in Yoruba culture because the preservation of humanity depends on the role of mothers in the society (Lawal 1996; Makinde op. cit., 6). Further notes that Yemoja is one of the goddesses in Yoruba land. Yemoja or "yeye omo eja" (mother of fishes) symbolises motherhood and is eulogised as:

Iya oloyan oruba
Onirun abe osiki
A b’obo fun ni l’orun bi egbe isu

[The pot-breasted mother
With much hair on her private part
The owner of a vagina that suffocates like dry yam in the throat.]

The eulogy recalls the two most important parts in the process of becoming a mother – the breasts and the vagina. The heavy breast is assumed to contain an inexhaustible flow of milk for her children. Because as Lawal (1996, 73) notes that Yemoja is also referred to as "the generous and the dangerous mother". The suffocating vagina may be the source of the power of life and death. The Virginal is the source of childbirth. From the reviews it has been shown that women in Yoruba land are deified and seen as religiously powerful to bless and curse. This further explains the link between music and motherhood among pregnant women in Yoruba land.

Themes of Yoruba songs on Faith and Trust in God During Pregnancy, labour/delivery

Yoruba songs on pregnancy state are numerous and new ones are daily added during the antenatal clinic. As earlier mentioned, the songs are mostly culturally embedded and meaning of the songs are culture bound. There are several themes in the antenatal songs among pregnant women. The first theme is songs on faith, trust in God for safety during pregnancy and delivery. see songs 1 to 8 below:

Song 1. Mè ní bóyún kú

Mè ní bóyún kú o,
Méní bóyún kú
Ọba mímọ́ kọ letter sí mi
mé ní bóyún kú

[I will not die with my pregnancy
I will not die with my pregnancy
The Holy king wrote a letter to me that
I will not die with my pregnancy]

Song 2: Múmi bí wẹ́rẹ́ o Olúwa

Múmi bí wẹ́rẹ́ o Olúwa,
Mùmi bí wẹ́rẹ́ o Olúwa,
Ká gbóhun ìyá ká gbọ́ tọmọ,
Lọ́jọ́ during the baby delivery
Kómi ma pọ̀jù kẹ́jẹ̀ ma pọ̀jù,
Kí wọ́n má sa láìtó o,
Jẹ̀ki n bí wẹ́rẹ́ ò Olúwa,
jẹ̀ ki n bí wẹ́rẹ́ ò Olúwa
Ká gbóhun mi kágbọ́ tọmọ,
Lọ́jọ́ ìkúnlẹ̀,
Mà jẹ n bóyúnkú o Olúwa,
Mà jẹ n bóyún kú o Olúwa
Ká gbóhun ìyá ká gbọ́ tọmọ,
Lọ́jọ́ ìkúnlẹ̀.

[Help me to deliver safely O Lord
Help me to deliver safely O Lord
let the mother and baby voices be heard
and be alive
during the baby delivery
let there be sufficient water and blood
let there be sufficient water and blood
Help me to deliver safely O Lord
Help me to deliver safely O Lord
let the mother and baby be alive
during the baby delivery
Do not let me die during pregnancy
Do not let me die during pregnancy
let the mother and baby voices be heard and be alive
during the baby delivery]

Song 3. Gba gbogbo ògo lórí mi lọ́jọ́ ìkúnlẹ̀

Gba gbogbo ògo lórí mi lọ́jọ́ ìkúnlẹ̀,
Aráyé kò lè bá ọ pín o, nínú ògo rẹ
Gba gbogbo ògo lórí mi lọ́jọ́ ìkúnlẹ̀,
Aráyé kò lè bá ọ pín o, nínú ògo rẹ
Gba gbogbo ògo lórí mi lọ́jọ́ ìkúnlẹ̀,
Aráyé kò lè bá ọ pín o, nínú ògo rẹ

[Lord take all the glory in the day of my delivery
People will not share of your glory
Lord take all the glory in the day of my delivery
People will not share of your glory
Lord take all the glory in the day of my delivery
People will not share of your glory]

Song 4. Wẹ́rẹ́ lẹ ó ma gbọ́

Wẹ́rẹ́ lẹ ó ma gbọ́ e e e,
Wẹ́rẹ́ la ó ma gbọ́,
Wẹ́rẹ́ la ó ma gbọ́,
Wẹ́rẹ́ la ó ma gbọ́
lọ́jọ́ ìkúnlẹ̀,
Jésù wa gbo go
Wẹ́rẹ́ lẹ ó ma gbọ́

[it is news of joy you will hear
it is news of joy you will hear
it is news of joy you will hear
on the delivery day,
Jesus come and take all glory
it is news of joy you will hear]

Song 5. Lọ́jọ́ ìkómọ jáde

Lọ́jọ́ ìkómọ jade
Lọ́jọ́ ìkómọ jade
Kórí mi má kọ gèlè,
Kára mi má kọ aṣọ,
Kẹ́sẹ̀ mi má kọ bàtà,
Lọ́jọ́ ìkómọ jáde,

[In the day of naming ceremony
In the day of naming ceremony
May I live long to tie my scarf
May I live long to wear my cloths
May I live long to wear my shoes
In the day of naming ceremony]

Song 6. Wẹ́rẹ́ lewé ḿ bọ̀ o kúrò lára igi

Wẹ́rẹ́ lewé ḿ bọ̀ o kúrò lára igi,
Ọjọ́ ìkúnlẹ̀ mi ò wẹ́rẹ́ ni kó jẹ́,
Wẹ́rẹ́ lewé ḿ bọ̀ o kúrò lára igi,
Ọjọ́ ìkúnlẹ̀ mi ò wẹ́rẹ́ ni kó jẹ́,
Wẹ́rẹ́ lewé ḿ bọ̀ o kúrò lára igi,
Ọjọ́ ìkúnlẹ̀ mi ò wẹ́rẹ́ ni kó jẹ́,

[The leaf leaves the tree without pain
May my day of delivery be peaceful
The leaf leaves the tree without pain
May my day of delivery be peaceful
The leaf leaves the tree without pain
May my day of delivery be peaceful]

Song 7. Kèmi má wo lá wò sunkún

Kèmi má wò láwò sunkún o,
Kèmi má wò láwò sunkún o,
Ẹ̀rù mó rà,
ẹ̀ru mórà sílẹ̀ dọ́mọ mi,
Ki n má wò lá wò sunkún,

Ki n yára gbé kúnmi jó,
Kí n yára gbé kùn mi jó o,
Ọmọ dára ọmọ dára,
Lówà níkùn mi
Kín yára gbé kùn mi jó

[May I not watch the baby’s dress with cry
May I not watch the baby’s dress with cry
The materials for baby delivery
Materials bought in preparation for my baby
May I not watch the baby’s dress with cry

Let me dance very well with my pregnancy
Let me dance very well with my pregnancy
Favoured and blessed baby
Is what I am carrying in my tummy
Let me dance very well with my pregnancy]

Song 8. Ọmọ tó wà nínú mi

Ọmọ tó wà nínú mi
Ọmọ tó wà nínú mi
Ó yá gbagbára Olúwa
Ó yá gbagbára Olúwa,
Ó yá ma yírapo,
Ó yá ma yírapo,
Ò gbọdọ̀ jókó lòdì,
Ò gbọdọ̀ jókó lòdì,
Ó gbọ́dọ̀ ni mí lára.
Ó gbọ́dọ̀ ni mí lára

[You baby in my stomach
You baby in my stomach
Receive Divine strength
Receive Divine strength
Begin to move and turn normally
Begin to move and turn normally
You must not seat abnormally
You must not seat abnormally
You must not be a threat to my life
You must not be a threat to my life]

Songs 1 to 8 are religious songs. The songs are faith based and trust and believe that God gives children and that God who gave the pregnancy will help them to deliver safely. The song helps the psychological mind of the women to trust in God for safe delivery. It is a known fact that many women die during pregnancy. Koenig (2008) work on religion, spirituality and healing: Research, Dialogue and Directions speaks to these songs as they encapsulate the healing and sustaining power of music and religion to keep safe during and after delivery. Song 9 opened the eyes on the Yoruba concept of ori- destiny.

Song 9. Ẹ bámi gbé gbòsà fọ́kọ mi o,

Ẹ bámi gbé gbòsà fọ́kọ mi o,
Ọkọ olórí ire, tó fúnmi lóyún,
Gbòsà gbòsà gbòsà gbòsà
Ọkọ olórí ire tó fúnmi lóyún,
Èmi a gbé gbòsà fún ra mi o,
Èmi aya olórí ire tó mára dúró
Gbòsà gbòsà gbòà gbòsà,
Èmi aya olórí ire tó mára dúró,

[Help me salute my husband
The good luck husband that got me pregnant
Gbòsà gbòsà gbòsà gbòsà
The good luck husband that got me pregnant
I will salute myself
Me the wife of a lucky man that is pregnant
Gbòsà gbòsà gbòsà gbòsà
Me the wife of a good luck man that is pregnant]

The song 9. gives the husband praises for making her a woman and praising herself for releasing self for the pregnancy to stay.

Another song on pregnancy is the song 10 below. The song deals with nutritional need of pregnant women and the need to eat balance diet that will help keep them and the unborn baby healthy and strong. Beans mentioned here symbolize the need for protein and to avoid junks as pregnant women.

Song 10. Ma foyún mi lẹ́wà jẹ àkàrà

Ma foyún mi lẹ́wà jẹ àkàrà
Ma foyún mí lẹwà jẹ ọ̀lẹ̀lẹ̀
Èmi fálàfíà fún ọmọ mi
ma foyún mi lẹwà jẹ àkàrà

[I will feed my pregnancy with beans cake
I will feed my pregnancy with moimoi
I want good health for me and the pregnant
I will feed my pregnancy with beans cake]

The songs selected for this paper is Christian and folk tunes derivative. Since the tunes were already known to most of the people pregnant women the songs were sung joyfully. This is in consonant with Vidal (1986, 78) who identified traditional Yorùbá ritual, ceremonial and folk melodies as the initial resource area from which some health literacy songs were derived. In traditional Yorùbá culture, like other African cultures, Folktales constitute a rich aspect of folklore. Okafor and Ng’andu (2003) stated that ‘Storytelling is a common art in sub-Saharan Africa ‘Adapted Yoruba folktale and ceremonial melodies to newly composed text in idiomatic Yoruba language reflecting health related issues. Yoruba ceremonial and folktale songs constitute the resource materials from which health literacy songs were adapted. In a bid to make the literacy class interesting arrangers which in anonymous composers resorted to the adaptation of well-known traditional melodies, substituting the original text with newly composed health related texts.

Soundscape of the Music

The sound nuances of some of these songs which further energize or reconstruct the African compositional styles persists, for instance in the piece title Mumi Bi Were Oluwa, as a through-composed piece is collective chorus. The musical notes employed falls into the sound-speech system of the Yoruba people of Nigeria. While the melodic ranges between first (F and second F) on the treble staff. The music as a danceable piece follows the generic compound duple. The melodic range in some parts are in third especially from bar 1. However, some scalic melic movement could also be observed. The twenty bars piece is situated within Yoruba compositional styles that have been above (see Figure 1). The first and the last notes in F and tonic is explained:

Figure 1. The music was scored by the researcher.

While the musical form of figure 1 excerpt piece is through-composed. The score in figure 2 below is call and response formation. The chorus repeats exactly the solo in octave lower. The piece is melodically presented common rime. The piece just like the piece in figure 1 follows the Yoruba tonal inflections in their speech. The 8 bar piece gives the interactions of calling and responding common among the African and specifically Yoruba music (see Figure 2 below):

Figure 2. The music was scored by the researcher.

The third piece in Figure 3 is through-composed. It consists of three notes only. It is sang mostly demonstrating like the military salute during parade. The 8 bars piece is repeated several times. The piece is in common time in key G major at the time of sing, likewise other songs analysed are transcribed based on the key presently used at the time of performance (see Figure 3 piece below).

Figure 3. Theoretical Implications.

The transformative theory views the power of music to reduce maternal mortality through the psychological and therapeutic effects of the songs been engaged. From song 1 to 8 we see a lot of allusions to God, faith, trust and prayers for safety. On the impact of the songs and singing on the pregnant women, the songs and singing releases pregnant women from depression, stress, fear and panic that is associated with pregnancy. Orimoogunje (2003) supports this argument of reducing stress and depression. He affirms that:

natal songs work on the psyche of the enchanter, who is an expectant mother, while rendering the prayerful natal song. She believes that her expected day of delivery is in the hands of Oluwa/Olodumare, the Supreme Being among the Yoruba. This belief equips her with courage, thereby erasing the unknown that may lead to other health problems. (Ibid., 6)

Transformative musicology therefore synergizes the mental faculties of the singers thereby uplifting the emotional stress that is associated with pregnancy. The song 6 is a prayer request song. The pregnant woman does not want to see the loads bought for baby with the hope that baby is coming and then something happens while the materials and with me the baby is not. It is a prayer for survival, life, safety and safe arrival of the new baby. Also, she laid hand on the baby in the womb and prays that he/she will be envelop in the power of God, turn normally, do not seat abnormally and do not stress me.

Naming celebration in Yoruba land is a day of joy. And so, the texts of the songs pray for long life and good health for the nursing mother. Yoruba believe in reproduction, the importance of having children is like coming to the world in vain if a couple does not have it. And the stigma attach to barrenness is also worrisome. That is why people will do all it takes to have children. Another important impact of the songs on the pregnant women and nursing mothers are the educational value of the songs.

In song 9, an important fact about the song is the Yoruba concept of orí. Several studies have studied the concept of orí among the Yoruba. Adedeji (1987) and Olusegun-Joseph (2014) both agree that among the Yoruba orí literally denotes the physical human head, but at a connotative level, it stands for the individual’s essence of divinely appointed personality. They further assert that orí otherwise known as orí inú ‘the internal head’ is perceived as the controller of the individual destiny. At creation, orí is believed to kneel before the creator to collect is ìpín, its portion. Yoloye as cited by Olusegun-Joseph (2014, 524) asserts that:

The portion is determined in three ways, partly by a free choice of ori (àkúnlàyàn), partly by a free gift of the creator (àkúnlègbà), and partly by affixation (àyànmó).

The Yoruba are of course aware of the biological process of conception and birth. Nevertheless, they believe that the process of creation and the choice of portions take place for each conception.

Olusegun-Joseph (2014) further explains:

The Yoruba’s adoration of the power of orí in the individual’s life often leads them to worship it as a type of guardian angel, so that they are not derailed from their destinies. In referring to the role of orí there is often an association with its power to chart a positive destiny for the individual, and this is purportedly recognized in the individual’s attainment of social sanctioned traits of character and honour. This becomes all the more important in the assumption that another person’s orí may be invoked to aid individual: a parent for the child for instance. In this vein, the Yoruba identify an olórí ire (a possessor of an enviable accordant orí). (Ibid., 524)

Adedeji (1987, 3) notes that:

orí determines one’s career, success, choice of wife, husband, and prosperity and so on.

I add that orí determines someone ability to conceive or not. Pregnant women see themselves as olórí ire being able to conceive and see their husband as olórí ire been able to help the wife to conceive. And therefore, sing about it to praise their husbands.

In song 10, the Health Belief theory reiterates the need to eat food that has much protein. Beans are one of such foods. In Yoruba setting beans can be reproduce in several ways it could be made as beans cake àkàrà, or boiled ẹ̀wà, among other several ways. Nursing mothers sings that she will eat more of beans so that the pregnancy and she live well and strongly too.

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Conclusion

This paper has examined the place of songs in antenatal clinic in southwestern Nigeria. Focusing on the Health Belief and transformative musicology theories which lend on how people’s involvement in health literacy could enhance better and save delivery in conjunction with songs that are laden with religious and cultural believe. It focuses on the concepts of religion and motherhood which leads to motherhood and birth among the Yoruba people. It elucidates the categorization of the songs and the effects of the songs. The songs were categorized as songs on faith and trust in God during pregnancy, labour and delivery. Others are song about destiny and luck and on nutrition. Among the pregnant women in antenatal clinic visited by the researcher, songs played the role of entertainment, it helped in physical fitness, reduced depression and anxiety, it educated on basic body cares during pregnancy, food taken, bathing, type of cloth and shoes to wear. Songs also include how to prepare for labour and delivery. The song brings hope to the dejected and fearful pregnant women through transformative musicology. The paper argues for the place of music in personal transformation and health belief for participants in the antenatal clinic literacy. The transformation that occurs help reduce fears and stress among pregnant women. Also, Health belief model enables pregnant women to attend the classes believing that it will reduce the risk of maternal mortality in them. Therefore, conclude that more avenues should be created and more songs on other languages should be included so that pregnant women who do not understand the language can benefit maximally from the song texts.

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